China is the world’s enemy, and it only has itself to blame 2024.

China is the world’s enemy, and it only has itself to blame

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This week’s multi-day visit to China by Secretary of State Antony Blinken ends an especially hectic period of discussions between Chinese and US officials. Earlier this month, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen visited Beijing, where she spoke about building a foundation for the US-China partnership and was spotted sipping beer at a neighborhood brewery. For the first time in three years, US and Chinese defense officials held maritime negotiations on April 5. Additionally, on April 16, US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin had his first conversation with Chinese colleague Admiral Dong Jun since the latter’s appointment.

But not everything is as it seems. Philippine vessels attempting to bolster its sailors on the Second Thomas Shoal—a territory claimed by both Beijing and Manila—have been harassed by Chinese coast guard ships and maritime militia. The People’s Liberation Army Air Force is still routinely flying above the Taiwan Strait median-line. Meanwhile, four years after troops clashed in the region, the China-India boundary conflict in the Himalayas is still unresolved.

Naturally, China likes to play the innocent victim in all of this. Chinese leaders claim that if anyone is to blame for misunderstandings or false impressions, it is the opposition. The same, same argument comes through whether you listen to or read a transcript of a Chinese foreign ministry briefing: Japan should exercise caution to avoid becoming an American lackey, the Philippines should cease creating unnecessary conflict, and the US should stop promoting a Cold War. -era mindset.

China ought to be the one gazing in the mirror, in actuality. Yes, the Biden administration is working hard to unite its partners and allies in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily to counterbalance China’s increasing influence. Ultimately, though, China’s ambition to overtake all other powers in Asia is driving its smaller neighbors to strengthen their own defenses, increase military spending, and deepen their economic and security links. The link that binds all of this together is China, not Washington.

This should not come as a surprise, or at least it shouldn’t. There are many examples in history of aspirant hegemons intimidating their neighbors into taking action. Less powerful states dislike it when large states threaten or even subjugate their own interests, just as powerful states dislike it when hostile alliances intrude on their spheres of influence. It’s only partially true that, as Thucydides once said, “The strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” Even the weak have agency—that is, the weaker among them. And that almost often entails strengthening connections with states that perceive similar threats.

In Asia today, this is exactly what we’re witnessing. Given its past, Japan has always been wary of militarism. However, it is currently leading what might be seen as a counterbalance alliance against China. Tokyo’s constitution, which was interpreted to give it more of an active role in regional security after Imperial Japan was defeated in World War II and enforced by the Americans. Japan approved the highest defense budget ever last December, at around $56 billion, with plans to increase that amount to $63 billion by 2027. In the event of a conflict, the Japanese are also buying the kinds of weapons and systems that may put Chinese and North Korean targets at risk, such as medium-range surface-to-surface missiles.

Similar changes are occurring in the Philippines, albeit more slowly and with fewer people. Rejecting the pro-China policies of his predecessor, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has strengthened Manila’s defense partnership with Washington, which dates back seven decades. The Philippines intends to invest $35 billion over the next ten years to bolster its fleet in response to China and its assertive claims in the South China Sea.

Marcos consented to grant US soldiers access to four additional Philippine military locations in 2023. Additionally, the frequency of military drills by the Filipinos has increased, both bilaterally and multilaterally with the US, Australia, and Japan. If regional anxiety over China’s ascent wasn’t so pervasive among all three leaders, last month’s trilateral summit between US President Biden, President Marcos, and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida probably wouldn’t have taken place at the White House.

China’s influence is not limited to East Asia. It is felt worldwide. India, the largest nation in South Asia, increasingly views Beijing as a rival looking to weaken its position as a trading partner and friend in the Indian Ocean region. The inability of Beijing and New Delhi to reach a diplomatic consensus on the issue, coupled with China’s unilateral measures to alter the border between India and China, seems to have alarmed the Indian foreign policy elite. Illusions regarding the intentions of the Chinese are gone.

Similarly, not too long ago, Australia actually boasted of having a robust bilateral relationship with Beijing. That ended with claims of Chinese espionage and influence peddling in Australian politics, as well as China imposing taxes on coal and wine from Australia in response to Canberra’s demand for an investigation into the Covid-19 outbreak. Policymakers in Australia are speaking about calm and peace in the Taiwan Strait significantly more frequently than they did a few years ago. The Australian Defense Ministry said last month that $491 billion would be allocated to defense over the following ten years, demonstrating that they are also living up to their words.

It is evident that none of these events are to the liking of Chinese President Xi Jinping or his spokesperson inside the Chinese Communist Party. They would look in the mirror if they were being honest with themselves.

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China is the enemy of the world and has nobody to blame but itself (msn.com)

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